Lieberman tries to change channel

Under Fire Within Party, He Downplays Iraq, Stresses Loyalty

By DAVID LIGHTMAN
Washington Bureau Chief

July 28 2006

Back in the House chamber, Lieberman applauded much of the prime minister's address. But when al-Maliki was finished, and dozens of lawmakers spilled into the halls to talk to the media, Lieberman was nowhere to be seen.

Spokesman Casey Aden-Wansbury said Lieberman had to make "previously scheduled calls." She would not identify whom he was calling, but said it was "ridiculous" to think the senator or his staff timed the release of the parental consent statement to take attention away from Iraq.

"We put out our press releases as soon as they are ready," she said.

But its timing seemed to fit a recent pattern: Joe Lieberman, under attack within his own party, highlights his areas of agreement with his fellow Democrats while publicly avoiding points of contention - particularly on Iraq.

There's no question the areas of agreement are many. Lieberman's voting record and philosophies have been largely consistent throughout his 17½-year Senate career. He continues to be a loyal member of the Senate Democratic Caucus, regularly protesting Bush administration environmental policy, its conduct of the domestic war on terror and its attempts to sharply cut education, housing and other social programs.

But he's also been capable of giving Democratic leadership fits with his public pronouncements, and that's changed this year. He has not been as free with his praise for Bush policies and volunteers little about his views on Iraq.

Aden-Wansbury insisted there's been no such change in tone or style. "Anyone who thinks Sen. Lieberman's views and work on Iraq have not gotten plenty of publicity this year has not been paying attention. But this issue is and always has been one among many of the senator's priorities."

But there are two key areas in which Lieberman has tried to change his public image:

De-emphasizing Iraq.

Since January, when it became apparent that Lieberman was likely to face a primary challenge over his support for the war in Iraq, the senator has mentioned Iraq in 11 press releases, op-ed articles or other public statements archived by his office. About half of them expressed support for or confidence in the war effort or the troops.

In the same period of 2005, his office put out 26 statements mentioning Iraq; again, about half supported the war or the troops.

When he has spoken about Iraq this year, his statements have tended to be more measured and reserved than they were last year.

After President Bush's 2006 State of the Union address, for instance, Lieberman spent most of his time criticizing Bush's tax and energy policies.

Though Bush discussed Iraq, Lieberman would not join the chorus of Republican praise for the administration strategy. "We remain a nation at war - at war in Iraq and also at war with Islamist terrorism around the world, and it was important for the president to discuss it with the nation tonight," the senator said.

That was an emphasis quite different from the one Lieberman used in 2005. After that year's address, the senator got quickly to his point: "The president spoke about the importance of completing our mission in Iraq, and I couldn't agree more."

And, Lieberman said, "We're on the road to peace and democracy in Iraq, and we'll reach our goal if we stick to it."

He was similarly enthusiastic last year when he called the Iraqi elections "a new dawn for democracy in Iraq."

"We have reached an important milestone and achieved a new momentum in reaching a goal all Americans should embrace - building a secure, peaceful, democratic Iraq that is no longer a threat to the United States or the international community," he said.

By contrast, the statement his office put out after al-Maliki spoke Wednesday seemed almost downbeat.

"I hope that the Prime Minister takes away from his visit here that the U.S. will continue to back him in his fight to build a stable, secure, democratic and independent Iraq," he said, "but that success in that quest will not depend on us, but on the Iraqis themselves, and he must match his words today with decisive actions when he returns to Iraq."

Staying in the fold.

Senate Democratic leaders have long considered Lieberman a reliable vote on domestic matters; in 2005, Lieberman voted with Democrats on 90 percent of key votes, according to a Congressional Quarterly study.

But they would privately cringe when Lieberman would frequently cooperate with the White House and administration loyalists.

In January 2005, for instance, he joined other Democrats in introducing legislation to clean up power plants and renew the push for Washington, D.C., voting rights, and telling a hearing he was not pleased with how the Department of Homeland Security was managing the domestic war on terror.

About the same time, though, he was one of only six Democratic senators backing attorney general nominee Alberto Gonzales.

Gonzales was being subjected to blistering criticism from Democrats for saying in 2002 that some rights of prisoners of war spelled out in the Geneva Conventions were "quaint."

Lieberman noted how Gonzales' opinion "has been quoted with great derision, laughter, as if it was over the edge." Lieberman was on Gonzales' side. "I think Judge Gonzales was being restrained and diplomatic in using the word `quaint' [for a captor] to offer these benefits," the senator said, referring to things such as the ability of a prisoner to receive musical instruments and access to a canteen to buy soap, tobacco and food.

The senator also angered many in his party by appearing too cozy with the administration over its plans to reform Social Security. Democratic Senate leader Harry Reid of Nevada was eager to have all 44 Senate Democrats united against privatization.

Lieberman met with Treasury Secretary John Snow for 45 minutes and hosted administration officials at meetings of the bipartisan Senate Centrist Coalition. Leadership staff quietly made calls to Lieberman's staff urging him to stick with the party, and Lieberman soon signed a letter with other Democrats opposing privatization.

In December, Reid and Lieberman were at odds again. Lieberman had angered many Democrats with a Nov. 29 Wall Street Journal article.

"I am disappointed by Democrats who are more focused on how President Bush took America into the war in Iraq almost three years ago," Lieberman wrote, "and Republicans who are more worried about whether the war will bring them down in November's elections, than they are concerned about how we continue the progress in Iraq in the months and years ahead."

Shortly afterward, the senator suggested President Bush set up a special bipartisan "war cabinet." The president quoted Lieberman's views on Iraq in a Dec. 7 speech, and then-White House press secretary Scott McClellan, while not endorsing the war cabinet idea, warmly praised Lieberman.

"We appreciate his leadership, and we appreciate his ideas," McClellan said.

Reid was not pleased. "Frankly, until we get some direction from the White House, we can have all the meetings in the world," he said, "but unless we get the commander-in-chief involved in this, it's not going to do us any good."

Today, there's no evidence of any disagreement. Lieberman has been a regular attendee at Democratic press conferences, joining Reid in March to voice support for beefing up the homeland security budget.

"President Bush is misleading the American people by saying one thing and doing another," Reid said.

This year, Lieberman's criticism of Bush has not been drowned out by vocal support from him for Iraq or other White House efforts.

Lieberman's public comments have largely centered on criticism of White House budget cuts, the Medicare prescription drug program, the aftermath of last year's Gulf Coast hurricanes and environment and energy policy.

In his most public comments on Iraq, during a Senate debate last month, Lieberman soberly assessed the state of the war and reiterated his support for the effort and opposition to fixed timetables, but did not offer specific praise for the administration.

Lieberman and his backers insist 2006-style public fealty to Democratic causes is not a change in direction. They cite his voting record over the years and how it's consistently Democratic.

"Joe Lieberman is a pro-defense Democrat," said Al From, founder of the Democratic Leadership Council and a longtime Lieberman friend.

But other political veterans see a familiar trend: the incumbent in trouble who suddenly snuggles up to his party in a very public way.